which they depend on for turning the water wheel and for pulling
the hook plough (see Illustration 8) and thresher (see Illustration 9), as well
as for transport. Experts whose aim is modernization of Egyptian agriculture
consider these things a waste of valuable energy, which should rather be
diverted into producing meat and milk. They want to replace animal power
and see more engines and tractors employed. In doing so, they overlook the
fact that the fellaheen cannot afford agricultural machines and that for them
they are not suitable, since they own only very small plots: 82 per cent of
them possess farms of less than 2 acres (see Table 8.3). Models for develop-
ment imported from Europe or the USA cannot simply be transferred since
they do not suit the particular conditions of Egyptian agriculture. But a solu-
tion to one of Egypt’s greatest challenges today will have to be found very
soon: namely, the best possible distribution of scarce agrarian land among
the different field crops.
4.5 Fruits and vegetables
The situation concerning the production of fruits and vegetables in Egypt
is not unlike that pertaining in the production of fodder. Table 8.4 shows that
during the last five decades, the area cultivated with fruits as a proportion of
the total area of agrarian land increased more than eightfold. If we consider
that the cultivation of fruits in orchards means that the land cannot be used
for a second harvest in the same year, as would be possible if it were planted
with other crops, the area should be considered to be double this. All kinds
of fruits are consumed in Egypt, mainly by the better-off townspeople. The
cultivation of fruit trees entails a long-term investment, and is therefore usually
undertaken by the richer entrepreneurs in towns. For these reasons a further
extension of fruit cultivation in Egypt at the cost of grain production will
increase social injustice in the country. An example of this is the development
of the area covered by apple plantations, which was insignificant once and
then increased rapidly, so that it stood at 1,700 feddans in 1971 (Simons 1977:
597) and 76,000 feddans in 1995 (CAPMAS 1998: 47), with an upward trend.
Apples are still very expensive in the country and are consumed only by
richer people. Formerly, only imported apples from the USA, Iran, Lebanon
or Cyprus were available on the Egyptian market. Today the amounts im-
ported have been reduced after local production increased threefold between
1991 and 1995, so that it amounted to 438,000 tons (CAPMAS 1998: 53).
the hook plough (see Illustration 8) and thresher (see Illustration 9), as well
as for transport. Experts whose aim is modernization of Egyptian agriculture
consider these things a waste of valuable energy, which should rather be
diverted into producing meat and milk. They want to replace animal power
and see more engines and tractors employed. In doing so, they overlook the
fact that the fellaheen cannot afford agricultural machines and that for them
they are not suitable, since they own only very small plots: 82 per cent of
them possess farms of less than 2 acres (see Table 8.3). Models for develop-
ment imported from Europe or the USA cannot simply be transferred since
they do not suit the particular conditions of Egyptian agriculture. But a solu-
tion to one of Egypt’s greatest challenges today will have to be found very
soon: namely, the best possible distribution of scarce agrarian land among
the different field crops.
4.5 Fruits and vegetables
The situation concerning the production of fruits and vegetables in Egypt
is not unlike that pertaining in the production of fodder. Table 8.4 shows that
during the last five decades, the area cultivated with fruits as a proportion of
the total area of agrarian land increased more than eightfold. If we consider
that the cultivation of fruits in orchards means that the land cannot be used
for a second harvest in the same year, as would be possible if it were planted
with other crops, the area should be considered to be double this. All kinds
of fruits are consumed in Egypt, mainly by the better-off townspeople. The
cultivation of fruit trees entails a long-term investment, and is therefore usually
undertaken by the richer entrepreneurs in towns. For these reasons a further
extension of fruit cultivation in Egypt at the cost of grain production will
increase social injustice in the country. An example of this is the development
of the area covered by apple plantations, which was insignificant once and
then increased rapidly, so that it stood at 1,700 feddans in 1971 (Simons 1977:
597) and 76,000 feddans in 1995 (CAPMAS 1998: 47), with an upward trend.
Apples are still very expensive in the country and are consumed only by
richer people. Formerly, only imported apples from the USA, Iran, Lebanon
or Cyprus were available on the Egyptian market. Today the amounts im-
ported have been reduced after local production increased threefold between
1991 and 1995, so that it amounted to 438,000 tons (CAPMAS 1998: 53).
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